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UN CERD report is four years overdue – Canada.

12 Friday Dec 2025

Posted by Admin in Uncategorized

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Canada, indigenous, uncerd

In 2017, the Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination made 32 recommendations to Canada that pertain directly to Indigenous Peoples.

Canada’s last review by the UN Committee for the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination concluded in 2017. The UNCERD provided concluding observations and recommendations, and Canada’s next report was due on November 15, 2021. This report has not been filed, and the corresponding meeting has not been scheduled.

      32 of the CERD’s most recent recommendations relate directly to Indigenous Peoples: from land rights to discrimination and racism in the public education system. They are copied below; the recommendations have not been achieved.

      Furthermore, the Committee drew Canada’s attention to recommendations it made in 1997, and has repeated at every review since then, concerning:

  • the right to consultation and to free, prior and informed consent of Aboriginal peoples whenever their rights may be affected by projects carried out on their lands, as set forth in international standards and the State party’s legislation;
  • to seek in good faith agreements with Aboriginal peoples with regard to their lands and resources
  • find means and ways to establish titles over their lands, and respect their treaty rights;
  • Take appropriate measures to guarantee that procedures before the Special Tribunal Claims are fair and equitable …

That was in 2012.

      When the CERD referred to its 1997 recommendations again in 2017, it got even more specific, adding the following to the list:

  • End the substitution of costly legal challenges as post facto recourse in place of obtaining meaningful free prior and informed consent of Indigenous Peoples.
  • Incorporate the free, prior and informed consent principle in the Canadian regulatory system
  • amend decision making processes around the review and approval of large-scale resource development projects like the Site C dam.
  • Immediately suspend all permits and approvals for the construction of the Site C dam.
  • Conduct a full review in collaboration with Indigenous Peoples of the violations of the right to free prior and informed consent, treaty obligations and international human rights law from the building of this dam and identify alternatives to irreversible destruction of Indigenous lands and subsistence which will be caused by this project.
  • Publicly release the results of any government studies of the Mount Polley disaster and the criminal investigation into the disaster, before the statute of limitations for charges under these Acts expires.
  • …take measures to mitigate the impact through … fair remedy and reparations.

As we all know, Site C is going ahead and BC media shut out Indigenous opposition. We also know the BC government took over a private prosecution of Mount Polley mine’s owners – and dropped the charges. West Coast Environmental Law wrote a great article about that.

As for “costly legal challenges,” they are the only way to identify Section 35 Aboriginal rights in Canada, on a case-by-case basis, unless you surrender your rights in toto and accept a deal with Canada instead.

No review of violations of free, prior, informed consent have gotten underway since 2017.

What will Canada tell the Committee this time?

That on top of a new record-breaking trial over Aboriginal title – the Cowichan 2025 decision is now the longest, at five years of trial – the positive decision in favour of the Tribes was appealed by settler governments before they could have possibly had time to finish reading it?

      And then every purveyor of news media – state or commercial – hammered the incitements to hatred spoken by ignorant civilians, on repeat? To the point that the Cowichan Tribes had to issue a statement concerning the “Misleading and False Information Regarding Aboriginal Title Case,” (October 27) tantamount to a cease and desist order? (October 27)

UN treaty bodies make a difference

In the last reporting cycle to the CERD treaty body, 75% of the reports from Non-Governmental Organizations and civil society were sent by Indigenous organizations – fifteen of them.

UN treaty bodies make a difference, even though Canada does not take its Charter obligation seriously when it comes to educating the public about international human rights law generally, and UN mechanisms in particular.

      The CERD passed remark on the BC treaty process in 2007:

“While acknowledging the information that the “cede, release and surrender” approach to Aboriginal land titles has been abandoned by the State party in favour of “modification” and “non-assertion” approaches, the Committee remains concerned about the lack of perceptible difference in results of these new approaches in comparison to the previous approach.

“The BC Treaty Commission version of the Canada comprehensive claims extinguishment policy has all but collapsed since then. Only one Final Agreement was completed after Tsawwassen and Maa-nulth were heavily lubricated through ratification – within weeks of the CERD report – in 2007, and BC has had to reinvent (yet again) the Indigenous surrender policy that has been formally in place since 1914.”

      They call them “reconciliation of rights” and “jurisdiction” agreements now.

      Reinvention is at the center of all Canada’s reports to treaty bodies, when it comes to Indigenous Peoples.

      Right before the August 2017 date for Canada’s appearance before the CERD, it sent four federal ministers to the Assembly of First Nations annual assembly, July 25-27, where they told everyone that Ottawa is going to rescind the Indian Act. Bennett (Minister of Indigenous Affairs), Wilson-Raybould (Minister of Justice), McKenna (Environment) and Goodale (Public Safety), all described a bright new future to come.

      They did this moments before the in-person report to CERD in Geneva, allowing Canada to reply to all of the issues raised in the fifteen Indigenous reports by referencing the July meeting and the appearance of an announcement there.

      However, the only substance to Ottawa’s mission to the AFN Chiefs in July – half of whom boycotted the all-expense-paid meeting in Regina – was that the Ministry of Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Development will no longer claw back unused capital funds after twelve months.

An excerpt from one of the independent reports to the last CERD review of Canada:

“Skeena watershed and coastal Indigenous communities depend on the salmon for food, their economies and cultures. This (LNG, Prince Rupert) project is a prime example of what’s wrong with Canada’s approach to engaging Indigenous communities in large-scale industrial developments: It continuously fails to honour the legal obligations to Indigenous Peoples in protecting their traditional resources; The Canadian government generally consults with Band Councils, which were created under the colonial Indian Act, and often fails to consult hereditary leadership or respect traditional governance systems; …”

  • Skeena Indigenous Groups Submission to UN CERD. July 6, 2017
Skeena groups parallel report to CERD re Canada review 2017Download

It is interesting to note that only weeks after this report to the CERD was posted for the Session, Petronas announced its withdrawal from this proposed project, “Pacific NorthWest LNG.”

About the UNCERD:

The International Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination was adopted in UN General Assembly in 1965, and entered into force on January 4, 1969.

The Committee is the treaty body which oversees compliance, receiving reports from states and civil society; meeting with states parties at UN headquarters to discuss their progress; and making observations that other states and corporations take into consideration.

The Convention, among all the UN treaties, establishes certain human rights norms which are considered essential for fulfillment of the goals of world peace identified in the UN Charter.

      Colonialism, for instance, is identified as a threat to world peace in that Charter.

The CERD includes clarification in the preamble like,

Considering that the United Nations has condemned colonialism and all practices of segregation and discrimination associated therewith, in whatever form and wherever they exist, and that the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples of 14 December 1960 (General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV)) has affirmed and solemnly proclaimed the necessity of bringing them to a speedy and unconditional end,

Convinced that any doctrine of superiority based on racial differentiation is scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust and dangerous, and that there is no justification for racial discrimination, in theory or in practice, anywhere,

and provisions like,

Article 2, 1.a)

Article 2 1.(a) Each State Party undertakes to engage in no act or practice of racial discrimination against persons, groups of persons or institutions and to ensure that all public authorities and public institutions, national and local, shall act in conformity with this obligation;

(b) Each State Party undertakes not to sponsor, defend or support racial discrimination by any persons or organizations;

(c) Each State Party shall take effective measures to review governmental, national and local policies, and to amend, rescind or nullify any laws and regulations which have the effect of creating or perpetuating racial discrimination wherever it exists;

(d) Each State Party shall prohibit and bring to an end, by all appropriate means, including legislation as required by circumstances, racial discrimination by any persons, group or organization;

Article 5

…equality before the law, notably in the enjoyment of the following rights:

(a) The right to equal treatment before the tribunals and all other organs administering justice;

(c) Political rights, … (v) The right to own property alone as well as in association with others;

The UN treaty bodies play a key role in international human rights law. Many international conventions joined by members of the UN Charter have Committees attached to the treaty, and they review the states on a five-year cycle to monitor compliance and implementation. Other treaty bodies pertain to the Convention Against Torture; the Convention on Civil and Political Rights; the Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; and so on.

Canada is not a member of the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions, formed in 1993. Of the 192 member states in the United Nations, 110 of them have National Human Rights organizations with membership in GANHRI. The Global Alliance works in concert with the United Nations system, mobilizing human rights education and development within states.

Canada’s next review in Geneva, UN Headquarters, is in March 2026 with the Committee on Civil and Political Rights. The Committee for the CCPR has presented some informed questions to Canada, ahead of its review, about the implementation of Indigenous Peoples’ rights to self-determination. The reports that Canada has posted ahead of the meeting only mention Indigenous communities in terms of health measures that were taken during the COVID pandemic: to prevent transmission of the virus and promote safe operation of schools and daycares; emergency funding for basic needs; and “additional supports to Canada’s network of existing shelters on reserve and in Yukon to help manage or prevent outbreaks in their facilities.”

You can find out more about the UN system at www.ohchr.org


Quotable Concluding Observations of the CERD:

CERD/C/CAN/CO/18, 25 May 2007

21. While welcoming the commitments made in 2005 by the Federal Government and provincial/territorial governments under the Kelowna Accord, aimed at closing socio-economic gaps between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Canadians, the Committee remains concerned at the extent of the dramatic inequality in living standards still experienced by Aboriginal peoples. In this regard, the Committee, recognising the importance of the right of indigenous peoples to own, develop, control and use their lands, territories and resources in relation to their enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights, regrets that in its report, the State party did not address the question of limitations imposed on the use by Aboriginal people of their land, as previously requested by the Committee. The Committee also notes that the State party has yet to fully implement the 1996 recommendations of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (art. 5 (e)).

In light of article 5 (e) and of general recommendation no. 23 (1997) on the rights of indigenous peoples, the Committee urges the State party to allocate sufficient resources to remove the obstacles that prevent the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights by Aboriginal peoples. The Committee also once again requests the State party to provide information on limitations imposed on the use by Aboriginal people of their land, in its next periodic report, and that it fully implement the 1996 recommendations of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples without further delay.

22. While acknowledging the information that the “cede, release and surrender” approach to Aboriginal land titles has been abandoned by the State party in favour of “modification” and “non-assertion” approaches, the Committee remains concerned about the lack of perceptible difference in results of these new approaches in comparison to the previous approach. The Committee is also concerned that claims of Aboriginal land rights are being settled primarily through litigation, at a disproportionate cost for the Aboriginal communities concerned due to the strongly adversarial positions taken by the federal and provincial governments (art. 5 (d)(v)).

In line with the recognition by the State party of the inherent right of self-government of Aboriginal peoples under section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, the Committee recommends that the State party ensure that the new approaches taken to settle aboriginal land claims do not unduly restrict the progressive development of aboriginal rights. Wherever possible, the Committee urges the State party to engage, in good faith, in negotiations based on recognition and reconciliation, and reiterates its previous recommendation that the State party examine ways and means to facilitate the establishment of proof of Aboriginal title over land in procedures before the courts. Treaties concluded with First Nations should provide for periodic review, including by third parties, where possible.

CERD on Canada 2007 – p6 re cede release surrenderDownload

CERD/C/CAN/CO/21-23, 25 August 2017

Truth and Reconciliation Commission and UN DRIP

17. While welcoming the commitment made to implement all of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s (TRC) 94 Calls to Action, the Committee is concerned at the lack of an action plan and full implementation. The Committee is further concerned that the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UN DRIP) Action Plan has not yet been adopted, while noting the Ministerial working group established in 2017 to bring laws into compliance with obligations towards Indigenous Peoples.

18. The Committee recommends that the State party:

(a) Develop a concrete action plan to implement the TRC’s 94 Calls to Action, in consultation with Indigenous Peoples.

(b) Implement the UN DRIP, and adopt a legislative framework to implement the Convention including a national action plan, reform of national laws, policies and regulations to bring them into compliance with the Declaration, and annual public reporting.

(c) Ensure that the action plans include regular monitoring, evaluation, and annual reporting of the implementation, including the use of statistical data to evaluate progress.

(d) Develop and implement training programs, in consultation with Indigenous Peoples, for State officials and employees on the TRC’s Calls to Action and the UN DRIP, to ensure their effective impact.

(e) Ensure that the Ministerial working group is transparent and inclusive of Indigenous Peoples. Land rights of Indigenous Peoples

19. Taking note of the recent release of a set of 10 Principles Respecting the Government of Canada’s Relationship with Indigenous Peoples in 2017, the Committee is deeply concerned that:

(a) Violations of the land rights of Indigenous Peoples continue in the State party, in particular environmentally destructive decisions for resource development which affect their lives and territories continue to be undertaken without the free, prior and informed consent of the Indigenous Peoples, resulting in breaches of treaty obligations and international human rights law.

(b) Costly, time consuming and ineffective litigation is often the only remedy in place of seeking free, prior and informed consent, resulting in the State party continuing to issue permits which allow for damage to lands.

(c) According to information received, permits have been issued and construction has commenced at the Site C dam, despite vigorous opposition of Indigenous Peoples affected by this project, which will result in irreversible damage due to flooding of their lands leading to elimination of plants medicines, wildlife, sacred lands and gravesites.

(d) According to information received the Site C dam project proceeded despite a joint environment review for the federal and provincial governments, which reportedly concluded that the impact of this dam on Indigenous Peoples would be permanent, extensive, and irreversible.

(e) According to information received the Mount Polley mine was initially approved without an environment assessment process, consultation with or free, prior and informed consent from the potentially affected Indigenous peoples, and that the mining disaster has resulted in a disproportionate and devastating impact on the water quality, food such as fish, fish habitats, traditional medicines and the health of Indigenous Peoples in the area (art. 5-6).

20. Recalling its general recommendation No. 23 (1997) on the rights of Indigenous Peoples and reiterating its previous recommendation (CERD/C/CO/19-20, para. 20) the Committee recommends that the State party:

(a) Ensure the full implementation of general recommendation 23, in a transparent manner with the full involvement of the First Nations, Inuit, Metis and other Indigenous Peoples with their free prior and informed consent for all matters concerning their land rights.

(b) Prohibit the environmentally destructive development of the territories of Indigenous Peoples, and allow Indigenous Peoples to conduct independent environmental impact studies.

(c) End the substitution of costly legal challenges as post facto recourse in place of obtaining meaningful free prior and informed consent of Indigenous Peoples.

(d) Incorporate the free, prior and informed consent principle in the Canadian regulatory system, and amend decision making processes around the review and approval of large-scale resource development projects like the Site C dam.

(e) Immediately suspend all permits and approvals for the construction of the Site C dam. Conduct a full review in collaboration with Indigenous Peoples of the violations of the right to free prior and informed consent, treaty obligations and international human rights law from the building of this dam and identify alternatives to irreversible destruction of Indigenous lands and subsistence which will be caused by this project.

(f) Publicly release the results of any government studies of the Mount Polley disaster and the criminal investigation into the disaster, before the statute of limitations for charges under these Acts expires.

(g) Monitor the impact of the disaster on affected Indigenous Peoples as a result of the disaster, and take measures to mitigate the impact through provision of safe water and food, access to healthcare, and fair remedy and reparations.

CERD_Cconcluding Observations 2017_CAN_CO_21-23_28714_EDownload

The Cowichan decision in five points

30 Thursday Oct 2025

Posted by Admin in aboriginal title

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aboriginal title, Canada, Comprehensive Claims Policy, Cowichan, history, indigenous, Indigenous Peoples, Land claims, news, politics, Richmond, Tl'uqtinus

Concerning, how does a declaration of Aboriginal title affect the non-Native people now living in the ancestral village of Tl’uqtinus, where Cowichan title has been judicially declared?

Tl’uqtinus – tah-look-TEEN-oosh (*an approximate anglicism) – is a 1,846-acre area which overlaps the City of Richmond, lying along the Fraser River.

      On August 7 of this year, the Supreme Court of British Columbia gave a ruling on the Cowichan Tribes’ claim to Aboriginal title to that area. This case is now the longest-ever Aboriginal title case, running over 500 days in trial.

      The judge made a declaration of Aboriginal title to most of the area, which is a seasonal Cowichan fishing village. Madam Justice Young decided that, “The Crown grants of fee simple interest in the Cowichan Title Lands, and the Crown vesting of the soil and freehold interest in the Richmond Tl’uqtinus Lands (Highways) in the Cowichan Title Lands, unjustifiably infringe the Cowichan Nation Aboriginal title to these lands.” She concluded that most of the current land titles in the area are “defective.”

Since then, panic has gripped the province of British Columbia – just as it has after every successful Aboriginal rights case since the first one in 1964. The Province of BC, Canada, and the City of Richmond are appealing the ruling instead of entering negotiations with the Cowichan Tribes.

      The judge suspended the effect of her declaration for eighteen months, to provide time for transition, but all levels of settler government have made it clear they intend to fight cooperation with Cowichan interests and title every step of the way – as they have after every declaratory recognition of Aboriginal land rights since 1875.

The following analysis is based on an extensive survey of Aboriginal rights litigation arising west of the Rocky Mountains; an extensive survey of the circumstances leading up to such litigation and the clear public statements made by Indigenous plaintiffs, as well as the statements of claim; an extensive inventory of provincial behaviours since colonization; and a review of non-Native reaction to the Cowichan title case.

1. Aboriginal title is not the same as fee simple title

What Canada has all along been calling “Aboriginal title” – a sui generis and abnormal concept – are actually national titles, flowing from centuries and millennia of law and governance.

      “Aboriginal title” is a colonial construct used by the crown to obscure Indigenous Peoples’ land rights and subject them to the discretion of the crown. The Cowichan, among others, have now outlived that construct. They, like the Tsilhqot’in just before them, have forced the court to recognize the practical aspect of Aboriginal title. The court, in Cowichan, has ordered that the government of British Columbia must negotiate a resolution to the title conflict. (See the Summary of Declarations below)

      In case after case, for fifty years, crown courts have reduced the meaning of their own invention, “Aboriginal title lands,” to mean nothing more than the right to use and occupy “small spots,” or “postage stamp title” – around fishing rocks, hunting blinds, and “fenced village sites” – as if these were private holdings on crown land.

         Settlers have been left not understanding what Indigenous Peoples’ land titles really are, while the courts have attempted to define them out of existence.

2. Co-existence of Aboriginal title and fee-simple ownership

Because what “Aboriginal title” actually refers to is those national titles, and the underlying title belonging to that Indigenous Nation or People, the underlying Indigenous land title co-exists with individual property ownership in almost exactly the same way that fee simple title holders relate to what they thought was underlying crown title.

      There have always been individual land titles throughout Indigenous Nations. The nations are made up of Clan and House Lands, and titles which must be upheld in regular actions of governance and social obligation. Not unlike the taxes and bylaws of today’s settler regime.

Recently, many people have piped up to the tune that Aboriginal title, as a right to the land, cannot co-exist with fee-simple property ownership. This represents a level of ignorance that has moved into the hysterically incompetent. The same people who loudly make that statement are quite happily paying their taxes to BC and Canada, in full recognition of the idea that their fee-simple ownership co-exists with underlying crown title. They also fully expect to go along with crown appropriation schemes, maybe for a hydro right-of-way, or for a city works infrastructure project; to receive their non-negotiable compensation for that part of their property that was used; and to go on with their land-holding.

3. Displacement

Native plaintiffs have never set out to displace individual property owners in title litigation.

     Ever since the Nisga’a title case in 1973, every court action has specifically excluded claims to ownership of the fee-simple title of individual homes and properties. This includes the Cowichan claim.

Indigenous Peoples demand recognition of their underlying title.

       In this way, Native communities have protected settlers from their own colonial government’s theft, bad faith and lies.

     In many instances, First Nations have attempted to negotiate with the crown for the buy-out and return of lands which the crown sold to settlers or developers. These negotiations were not litigation.

4. Cowichan fishing rights

Tl’uqtinus is a fishing village. A thousand Cowichan people would go there – well into the 20th century – to harvest salmon returning up the Fraser River. They navigated the Salish Sea from their main territory on “Vancouver Island” with enough people and provisions to live for the season. Their big houses and a few residents stayed year-round on the lower Fraser at Tl’uqtinus.

       As of this decision, the Cowichan are one of only five Indigenous Peoples west of the Rocky Mountains to have a judicial declaration of their right to fish for food. This fact is provided to assist non-Native readers understand the extent of colonial repression of economic, social and cultural rights which they must now correct along with land title.

      The other peoples with recognized Aboriginal fishing rights – not just the very recent legislative “accommodation” of Aboriginal rights without explicit recognition and protection, or the modern-day treaty provisions by agreement – are the Musqueam (Sparrow 1990); the Heiltsuk (Gladstone, 1996); the Saik’uz and Stellat’en (Thomas, 2024); the Nuu-chah-nulth (Nuu-chah-nulth, 2021); and the Douglas Treaty nations (1850-54).

5. “Aboriginal title” is a politically-motivated colonial construct

What Madame Justice Young did not point out in her reasons for judgement in this case, is that “Aboriginal rights” is an invention of Imperial and Colonial British courts, along with Britain’s Privy Council and Foreign Secretary, to set aside the land rights of Original Inhabitants invaded and annexed by the British Empire.

There is currently no legal reality to Aboriginal title in Canada: it remains undefined as sui generis: Aboriginal title land can’t be (won’t be) registered by provincial Land Titles offices; the government says it has no market value because it can only be “surrendered” to the crown by agreement.

This archaic and internationally repugnant discrimination has been the subject of many UN treaty bodies’ observations concerning the situation of Indigenous Peoples in Canada. It is also the reason that the judge in Cowichan can do nothing more than urge the government to negotiate the surrender of the declared Aboriginal title lands, in exchange for rights by agreement. That is Canada’s policy. There is no mechanism to mobilize or actuate Aboriginal title land.

One participant at the Richmond City Hall meeting described the situation to a reporter, “If this brick in the wall comes loose, the whole thing’s going to come down.” That is the perspective of a non-Native person who knows absolutely nothing about the Cowichan Tribes.

A few more observations

The Richmond meeting, October 28

When Richmond’s Mayor Brodie called a little meeting for last Tuesday night, which was, in his words, “intended to influence the court,” the Cowichan representatives naturally did not attend. The Indigenous experience in the court of public opinion has been dismal: the 2002 BC Treaty Referendum; the 1992 Charlottetown Accord; etc.

      Unfortunately, while the province of BC has wasted no time appealing the decision in toto, and loudly repeated its historical refusal to recognize Indigenous Peoples’ equality to other Peoples, the Cowichan Tribes are not going to make a lot of public statements to reassure the Richmond citizens (however much they undoubtedly would like to), when those political statements could then be interpreted by the appeal court to undermine their legal position.

      Settlers might be interested to take their own initiative, to learn about the Cowichan Tribes, and to see if their racism survives education.

Life on Aboriginal title lands

Newcomers to BC have lived with the practical reality of national Indigenous titles underlying their fee-simple holdings since at least 1985, in the Sechelt Self-Government Agreement. Well, Indigenous titles have laid under the settler land tenure system all this time; the title-holders have just been very patient in waiting for the newcomers to gain consciousness in relation to their surroundings.

      More recently, the 2014 Supreme Court of Canada Tsilhqot’in decision – for the very first time – made a declaration of Aboriginal title to marked, mapped areas on the ground. Those areas also include lands which were sold to settlers by the crown that didn’t own them. No one has been evicted (although one guy who dredged a salmon spawning stream to improve irrigation will surely be reprimanded). In the Haida Rising Tides Agreement, 2024, settlers seem to have survived provincial recognition of Haida title to Haida Gwaii. In 2002 the Haida filed a statement of claim to their entire territory with the BC Supreme Court, but, such was its indefatigable certainty, BC was compelled to provide a series of stop-gap agreements since then, Rising Tides being the most recent, which have stopped that litigation from proceeding.

      Other jurisdictions where non-Native property owners have interests which are actively recognized, respected, and served by Indigenous Nations are in Tsawwassen, since the 2007 treaty; in Powell River, since the 2007 Sliammon treaty; in Nisga’a, since the 2000 Final Agreement; in Westbank, where people bought 99-year lease holds following the Westbank Self Government agreement; and in Kamloops, following an adjustment of the Indian Act to mobilize housing development on-reserve in the urban center.  

The difference here is that “Aboriginal title” is an “undefined Aboriginal right.” Extinguishing undefined Aboriginal rights is the lead purpose of government Agreements with First Nations today, whether it be under the BC Treaty Commission, or in the new Sectoral Agreement Strategy where the same suite of treaty rights are determined one at a time by stand-alone deals like the “Education Jurisdiction Agreements,” or, for Children and Families, under the federal enabling legislation in Bill C-92; or, for Lands, under the First Nations Lands Management Act; or in Health, Resources, or Taxation authorities.

The written decision in Cowichan

The decision in Cowichan Tribes v. Canada makes excellent reading. The judge has included many selections from the Quw’utsun Elders’ testimony at trial. Their way of life is truly awe inspiring, and the many descriptions of Quw’utsun ways of governance are enlightening. Justice Young has also included much of the pivotal evidence concerning the history of Tl’uqtinus, such as descriptions of the village provided by Captains of the British Navy, maps of the area made by colonists and showing the village site, et cetera.

      At the same time, Young has included all the parties’ positions on the issue, and the real extent of institutionalized settler denial and racism is there for all the world to read, in the Province, Canada’s, and the City of Richmond’s outrageous statements.

Title Insurance

      The State of Hawaii has adapted to a similar stolen-and-settled land situation by enabling “Title Insurance.” In the same way that homeowners buy fire or flood insurance, they also buy title insurance specific to mitigating the inevitable recognition of underlying Indigenous title to their property.

      This development followed a successful Indigenous Hawaiian title case against the state in about 2004.

Pleading ignorance

Pleading ignorance is very rarely a reasonable explanation for illegal behaviour with ongoing harms. What plagues the people of Richmond today is not Aboriginal title, but racist denial and the courts’, politicians’, and media’s refusal to do anything more than insult the title holders.

      The Supreme Court of Canada first swerved to avoid even hearing the title argument in 1965, in the Snuneymuxw hunting case, White and Bob. The courts have protected settler ignorance for as long as possible, but perhaps the Cowichan decision is a watershed moment – following many precipitous moments.

      The Tla-o-quiaht won an injunction against logging Meares Island in 1985 on the basis of their Aboriginal rights. The Nisga’a started negotiating their land claim in 1976 on the basis of their 1973 Calder ruling. The BC Treaty Commission was formed in 1992 to settle land claims. By 1981, Native claims were being pursued by almost every Indigenous tribe “in” BC, under the Office of Native Claims Commission, 1974. Canada’s policy on Native Claims has been so unfair that few agreements have been reached, west of the Rockies.

      No one can claim to be surprised that Indigenous Peoples have land rights.

Helpful quotes from previous rulings:

“The province has been violating Aboriginal title in an unconstitutional, and therefore illegal, fashion ever since it joined confederation”

  • Justice Vickers, BC Supreme Court, Tsilhqot’in 2007

“Aboriginal title and rights have never been extinguished by any action taken by the province of British Columbia.”

  • BC Court of Appeal, Delgamuukw, 2003

“The domestic remedy has been exhausted.”

  • Inter-American Court of Human Rights, Washington DC, Hunquminum Treaty Group v. BC 2009 (Note – the Hunquminum Treaty Group is a Cowichan organization)

EXCERPTS from the decision in Cowichan

Cowichan Tribes v. Canada (Attorney General), BC Supreme Court, August 7, 2025

The Full Ruling:

Cowichan v Canada BCSC August 7 2025Download

From the Introduction to the case, by Justice Young:

•         Between 1871–1914, Crown grants of fee simple interest were issued over the whole of the Claim Area, including the Cowichan Title Lands.

      The first purchase of Cowichan Title Lands was made by Richard Moody who was the first Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works for the Colony of British Columbia and was tasked with ensuring that Indian reserves were created at sites of Indian settlements. Because occupied Indian settlements were appropriated, and could not be sold, most of the Crown grants in the Cowichan Title Lands were made without statutory authority.

•         British Columbia was admitted into Canada on July 20, 1871 under the BC Terms of Union. The effect of Article 13 of the BC Terms of Union was to extend appropriation of Indian settlement lands post‑Confederation, limiting the Province’s ability to sell the land without first dealing with the Cowichan’s interest. As a result, the post-Confederation Crown grants in the Cowichan Title Lands were made without constitutional authority because they were made under legislation that was constitutionally limited by Article 13.

•         The Crown grants of fee simple interest deprived the Cowichan of their village lands, severely impeded their ability to fish the south arm of the Fraser River, and are an unjustified infringement of their Aboriginal title. Subsequent dispositions of the Cowichan’s land, including BC’s vesting of Richmond with fee simple interests and the soil and freehold of highways, are also unjustified infringements. Additionally, some of Canada and the VFPA’s activities on the Cowichan Title Lands unjustifiably infringe the Cowichan’s Aboriginal title.

•         The Province has no jurisdiction to extinguish Aboriginal title. The Crown grants of fee simple interest did not displace or extinguish the Cowichan’s Aboriginal title.

*emphasis added

Summary of the Cowichan Ruling, Justice Young

D.       SUMMARY OF THE DECLARATIONS

[3724]  In summary, I make the following declarations:

•         The descendants of the Cowichan Nation, including the Cowichan Tribes, Stz’uminus, Penelakut and Halalt, have Aboriginal title to a portion of the Lands of Tl’uqtinus, the Cowichan Title Lands, within the meaning of s. 35(1) of the Constitution Act, 1982.

•         The Crown grants of fee simple interest in the Cowichan Title Lands, and the Crown vesting of the soil and freehold interest in the Richmond Tl’uqtinus Lands (Highways) in the Cowichan Title Lands, unjustifiably infringe the Cowichan Nation Aboriginal title to these lands.

•         Canada’s fee simple titles and interests in Lot 1 in Sections 27 and 22 (except those in the YVR Fuel Project lands), Lot 2 in Section 23, and Lot 9 in Sections 23 and 26, and Richmond’s fee simple titles and interests in Lot E in Sections 23 and 26 and Lot K in Section 27, are defective and invalid.

•         With respect to the Cowichan Title Lands, Canada owes a duty to the descendants of the Cowichan Nation, including the Cowichan Tribes, Stz’uminus, Penelakut, and Halalt, to negotiate in good faith reconciliation of Canada’s fee simple interests in the YVR Fuel Project lands with Cowichan Aboriginal title, in a manner consistent with the honour of the Crown.

•         With respect to the Cowichan Title Lands, British Columbia owes a duty to the descendants of the Cowichan Nation, including the Cowichan Tribes, Stz’uminus, Penelakut, and Halalt, to negotiate in good faith reconciliation of the Crown granted fee simple interests held by third parties and the Crown vesting of the soil and freehold interest to Richmond with Cowichan Aboriginal title, in a manner consistent with the honour of the Crown.

•         The descendants of the Cowichan Nation, including the Cowichan Tribes, Stz’uminus, Penelakut and Halalt, have an Aboriginal right to fish the south (i.e., main) arm of the Fraser River for food purposes within the meaning of s. 35(1) of the Constitution Act, 1982.

E.       CONCLUSION

[3725]  Most of the Cowichan’s Aboriginal title lands at Tl’uqtinus were granted away over 150 years ago. Since that time, the Cowichan have pursued the return of their land, first through the JIRC process, causing Gilbert Sproat to write to the Lieutenant Governor in 1878: “The ancient fishing ground on the Lower Fraser of the Cowichan nation … has been sold and now belongs to a white non-resident. What can be done in such a matter?” Although it has taken a very long time, the Cowichan have now established their Aboriginal title to that land. These declarations will assist in restoring the Cowichan to their stl’ulnup at Tl’uqtinus and facilitating the revitalization of their historical practice of fishing for food on the Fraser River and teaching their children their traditional ways. Nevertheless, much remains to be resolved through negotiation and reconciliation between the Crown and the Cowichan.

[3726]  Additionally, the determinations in this case will impact the historic relationships between the Cowichan, Musqueam and TFN, and relations moving forward. The fact is all the parties have continued interests, rights and obligations around the south arm of the Fraser River and limited resources need to be shared and preserved.

[3727]  Much has been written about reconciliation. The principles of reconciliation defined by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada include the process of healing relationships that required public truth sharing, apology and commemoration that acknowledges and redresses past harms. Litigation is the antithesis of a healing environment as the adversarial system pits parties, and sometimes kin, against one another. Yet at times it is necessary in order to resolve impasses such as those that arose here, halting negotiations. Now that this multi‑year journey has concluded, it is my sincere hope that the parties have the answers they need to return to negotiations and reconcile the outstanding issues.

F.       COSTS

[3728]  The plaintiffs have been successful in this trial and are entitled to their costs. If the parties cannot agree on the scale or apportionment of costs they may apply to the Court for a hearing on the matter.

                 “B. M. Young, J.”                  

The Honourable Madam Justice Young

On the record – if you can find the record!

25 Tuesday Feb 2025

Posted by Admin in aboriginal title, Haida title, Uncategorized

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Tags

aboriginal rights, aboriginal title, Canada, Haida Nation, history, indigenous, Indigenous Peoples, justice, Lawfare, news

Since 1951, when Indigenous people were allowed access to the colonial courts, the views of crown lawyers and judges are right there on the record.

Here are some case files from the archive project: factums, memos, early decisions, and case summaries from the time.
Most of these records are not maintained online. Only the ruling of the highest court is available, so, in cases that have been in the courts for decades and proceeded through numerous stages, the final result can be very difficult to understand. Lower court rulings are presented here.
In some cases, critical decisions are made in the court of appeal and are then never mentioned again. For example, in the famous Delgamuukw decision of 1997, the province of British Columbia abandoned its position that all the Gitksan and Wet’suwet’en “aboriginal rights” had been extinguished. They did this in 1993 at the BC Court of Appeal stage, when the court commissioned an independent expert study of the issue. This change of position was an about-face from BC’s original defense, and explains a lot in the development of the case.
To use the same case for another example, it’s essential to understand that both sides in the Delgamuukw litigation agreed to pause the next stage of the legal proceedings while they spent time attempting to negotiate a comprehensive approach to jurisdiction and land decisions. They did this on the recommendation of the Court of Appeal, in 1993. But by 1994, the government’s local forest managers were pushing through logging plans without regard for that condition, attempting to pass off meetings as “consultation” while the plans were a foregone conclusion. Gitksan Chiefs blocked the railway to stop it, and were promptly back in court in a new action: Ryan v Schultz.
Cases which are not reported in the BC or Canada Law Review are also difficult to find, unless you go to the courthouse of the trial and buy a copy, like with transcripts.

Here is a list of some of the new uploads in Lawfare!

These artifacts are all part of a bigger stories. These additions are provided here to add to the record.

R. v. Adams (Thomas Russel) – 1990

1990, October 30 Provincial Court ruling, Campbell River
Haida
“I have no option but to find that the defendant was not required to hold an Indian Food Fish Licence for the herring spawn on kelp in his possession and he is therefor entitled to acquittal on both charges.”

R. v. Adams – DFO letter to counsel: November 21, 1984
“I have directed the Chief of Finance for the Department of Fisheries and Oceans to draft a cheque for Mr. Thomas Russel Adams in the amount of $4,670.00, this being the amount received for the seventeen pails of roe on kelp seized by this Department. the other five pails were seized by the Department of Treasury United States Customs Service and therefore would not be included in the monies ordered returned by the court.”

Ahousaht First Nation v. Canada (Fisheries and Oceans) 2007

Federal Court of Canada
Nuu-chah-nulth
Case summary by Lawson Lundell LLP, July 20, 2007
“The Federal Court of Canada recently released its decision in Ahousaht First Nation v. Canada (Fisheries and Oceans). The court considered an application by 14 First Nations represented by the Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council (“NTC”) for judicial review of the Minister of Fisheries and Oceans regarding the implementation of a commercial groundfish pilot plan on the British Columbia coast (the “Pilot Plan”). The NTC challenged the Minister’s decision on the grounds that the Minister failed to fulfil his duty to consult and accommodate the NTC before implementing the Pilot Plan. After reviewing the process leading up to the Plan’s introduction Federal Court dismissed the application, finding that, although the consultation was not perfect, the flaws did not warrant changing the Minister’s decision.”

Bear Island Foundation and Temagami v. Ontario AG (c.1985)

Supreme Court of Canada.
Factum of Intervenor NIB-AFN
“The Royal Proclamation applies in the land claim area. It has the force of statute. The onus is on the Respondent to prove abrogation of the procedural requirements enshrined in the Proclamation.”
“There is no case law, except the judgments below, in support of the argument that the procedural requirements of the Proclamation were repealed by the Quebec Act.”

R. v. Bob (Bradley) 1979, August 2. British Columbia County Court.

Ruling. Unreported.
Lillooet
“The accused was charged with unlawfully fishing in contravention of a closure effected under the Fisheries Act and Regulation. The accused claimed he had a lawful excuse to fish because he was fishing pursuant to a reserve right, not an aboriginal or treaty right.”
“The historical background for the Defence… (includes) “Recognition of BC Indian Fish Rights by the Federal-Provincial Commission, prepared for UBCIC 1978. I refer to the instructions given to Dominion Commissioner, Mr. Anderson, dated August 25, 1870:
“While it appears theoretically desirable as a matter of general policy to diminish the number of small reserves held by an Indian Nation, the circumstances will permit them to concentrate on three or four large reserves, thus making them more accessible to missionaries and school teachers…”

Daniels v. Canada (Indian Affairs and Northern Development), 2016

Supreme Court of Canada.
Booklet, “Understanding the Daniels Case” by BC Metis Federation
“At its best, the Daniels ruling provides the possibility to “consider” Metis communities as self-determined and self-governing nations with a unique historical connection to the Crown and First Nations.”

R. v. Derriksan (1975)

BC Court of Appeal.
Okanagan
Ruling.
“Section 32 of the Regulations which makes special vision for licensing fishing by Indians reinforces the concept that Indians are not otherwise excepted from the Regulations.”

R. v. Douglas (c. 1985)

BC Provincial Court
Sto:lo
Defence counsel cross-examination of the crown’s witness, DFO officer Randy Nelson
“Q. In this letter you say: “neither released, so I hit their knuckles and arms harder and harder.” Do you agree with that statement?
A. Yes.
Q. Okay. Now in this letter you talk about Mr. Douglas and that’s Sam Douglas, the accused, right?
A. Yes, Your Honour.
Q. And you say as follows: “My concern …is that the D.F.O. negotiates with this animal, and that he is a representative on the Salmon Commission.” Now when you say “this animal” you’re talking about Sam Douglas, aren’t you?
A. That is correct in that letter, yes Your Honour.
…Q. Next paragraph: “If Mr. Douglas is continued to be met with, I would be most disappointed and would like to know the Department’s reasoning for this. It would make about as much sense as opening a Clifford Olsen Day Care Center.”
A That’s what the letter says, Your Honour.
Q. Now are you telling this Court, that this is humour on your part?
A. Humour… yes.”

Fletcher Challenger Canada Limited v. Miller… et al. 1991, Oct 21.

Supreme Court of BC.
(C915008 Vancouver Registry)
Court Transcript. Re. Walbran Valley. Defendant John Shafer and his Amicus curae, Bruce Clark:
“CLARK: Yes. The position in law is that since there is no treaty for the area in question, the legislature of British Columbia does not have jurisdiction. For the same reason the legislature does not have jurisdiction, this court does not have jurisdiction, because this court derives its jurisdiction under the Supreme Court Act which emanates from that legislature, which itself doesn’t have jurisdiction. …So what essentially we have is this jurisdictional question is genuinely preliminary to everything else.”
SHAFER: I’m a spokesperson for a native rights organization ca1led Concerned Citizens for Aboriginal Rights. It’s a group of 300 people in Victoria. All of my research and my readings indicated to me that there was — there was a major problem in the province concerning the fact that forest companies and third parties presumed to have the right to plunder unsurrendered native territory and I can see nowhere — in all my readings — I have yet to find a case where you will find an agreement between the native nations asking that Canada or BC rule over them.”

R. v. Gladstone BC Court of Appeal 1993, June 25.

Ruling.
Heiltsuk
“On or about the 28th day of April, 1988, at or near Vancouver in the Province of British Columbia, did unlawfully attempt to sell Herring Spawn on Kelp other than Herring Spawn on Kelp taken or collected under the authority of a Category J. Licence, contrary to Section 20 ( 3 ) of the Pacific Herring Fishery Regulation and did thereby commit an offence contrary to Section 6l ( 1 ) of the Fishery Act.”
Note – The judges of the BC Court of Appeal had widely differing reasons.

Haida Nation v British Columbia (Minister of Forests; Attorney General) BC Court of Appeal. 1997, November 7.

Ruling.
“The petitioners claim aboriginal title to a large area of British Columbia much of which is subject to tree farm licence no. 39 (T.F.L. 39) which was originally issued to the respondent MacMillan Bloedel in 1961.
“The preliminary issue of law is : whether the interest claimed by the Petitioners, namely aboriginal title, including ownership, title and other aboriginal rights over all of Haida Gwaii (the Queen Charlotte Islands), including the land, water, flora and fauna and resources thereof, is capable of constituting an encumbrance within the meaning of section 28 of the Forest Act.”

Haida Nation v British Columbia (Minister of Forests; Attorney General) 2000, Nov 21

BC Supreme Court

Ruling
“The evidence establishes that in September 1998, the Province published updated “British Columbia Consultation Guidelines” governing consultation with Aboriginal peoples concerning their Aboriginal rights and title, for all provincial ministries. Although the guidelines state that “…staff must not explicitly or implicitly confirm the existence of Aboriginal title when consulting with First Nations,”…

Haida Nation v British Columbia (Minister of Forests; Attorney Genera; Weyerhauser) 2002, Feb 27.

BC Court of Appeal.
Case analysis prepared for the Union of BC Municipalities by Bull, Housser & Tupper, Sept 2002
“The BC Court of Appeal delivered a landmark decision regarding the duty of the Crown and third parties to consult with First Nations who have asserted, but not proved, aboriginal rights or title. The order made by the Court was subsequently modified with supplemental reasons delivered on August 19, 2002.”
“The Court of Appeal made a declaration that the Province had in 2000, and the Province and Weyerhaeuser have now, legally enforceable duties to the Haida to consult with them in good faith.”


The west wasn’t won archive project relies on the work of volunteers for most aspects of building an archive! Drop a line to join the project, contribute documentation, or request research assistance, or… find out more.

BC attempts Centennial Lands Act Amendment

11 Sunday Feb 2024

Posted by Admin in Reconciliation, Uncategorized

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Tags

aboriginal title, BC Lands Act, BC Recognition Act 2009, Canada, environment, history, indigenous, informed consent, Land claims, native-americans, Reconciliation, Statement of the Allied Indian Tribes of British Columbia

100 years ago this month, the Allied Tribes of British Columbia petitioned Parliament to shut down the report of the Indian Reserve Commission.

BC has very quietly set up a public consultation process on its plans to embed First Nations local governments within its Lands Act.

The lead is buried pretty deep: BC’s original assumption of control of all the land (without treaty or constructive arrangement) was in 1874. It was patently unconstitutional, and, at first, Canada’s Attorney General disallowed it.

What unfolded then was: replacement of the troublesome AG – Telesphore Fournier, with Edward Blake who allowed a new 1875 BC Lands Act, equally unconstitutional and an act of wholesale annexation, on the basis of settler convenience. Then Canada passed the Indian Act, locking Indigenous Peoples into a second-class-state of outlaw and criminalization. Meanwhile the Province of British Columbia sold off and settled prime Indigenous real estate, fencing communities decimated by smallpox into an-acre-a-person Reserves.

Fifty years of protest, petition, and physical defense of the land (1874-1924) did nothing to remedy the situation at the time, but increased BC and Canada’s resolve to the point of legislating the tiny Reserve Boundaries and making litigation on behalf of Indians… illegal (1927).

A hundred years ago this month, the Allied Tribes of British Columbia petitioned Parliament to shut down the report of the Indian Reserve Commission. BC and Canada had set out to finalize the Indian Land question in 1912, with the McKenna-McBride Commission, and unilaterally “quiet the Indian title,” all the while diplomatically shutting the land issue out of courts and the Privy Council forum.

In their 1926 Petition, the Allied Tribes wrote:

14. By Memorandum which was presented to the Government of Canada on 29th February, 1924, the Allied Tribes opposed the passing of Order-in-Council of the Government of Canada adopting the Report of the Royal Commission upon the ground, among other grounds, that no matter whatever relating to Indian affairs in British Columbia having been fully adjusted and important matters such as foreshore rights, fishing rights and water rights not having been to any extent adjusted, the professed purpose of the Agreement and the Act had not been accomplished.
15. By Order-in-Council passed 19th July, 1924, the Government of Canada, acting under Chapter 51 of the Statutes of the year 1920 and upon recommendation of the Minister of the Interior adopted the Report of the Royal Commission.

50 years before that, the Petition of the Douglas Tribes was brutally clear about the Indian Reserve crisis. And the Reserve boundaries have rarely, and barely, shifted since the final cuts of 1924.

The BC plan now, apparently, is to gain the consent of the Indigenous nations, in the form of the individual Indian Bands / First Nations, to their Lands Act after all.

It is appearing like a visitation of the 2009 BC Recognition and Reconciliation Legislation, which was put to death, in ceremony, in 2009 – once the grassroots people caught wind of it. The grassroots people tend to be very cautious about allowing their elected representatives to sign-on with government initiatives, and acknowledge the crown as the legitimate source of power over their lands, peoples, and futures.

However, little is known about this 2024 draft legislation except that it is proceeding as quickly and mysteriously as the 2009 event, which suddenly surfaced early in the Spring and was submerged by the end of summer.

For more information, you can check the:

BC government’s public consultation process

The BC Treaty Negotiating Times – Summer 2009 Analysis and report on the Proposed Recognition and Reconciliation Legislation, opposition, and events.

And this Blog’s timeline of docs under “Land Claims – policy and protest.” for more on the 2009 legislation, Indigenous Alliances and protest of government assumptions.

Check out Archive Quarterly – a new publication featuring newly digitized history that informs the present here in British Columbia. The first issue arrives April 2024. Every issue features key archival papers and artifacts; quotes and interviews with Elders on the issues; and relatable commentary to connect past and present.

Readers can Subscribe, Support, and Contribute: there are many ways to be engaged!

Take a link to the Archive Quarterly website or AQ on Facebook.

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